Top 292 Brexit Quotes

Brexit is a cliff, not a gradient. The mistake we are in danger of making is to believe that some Brexits are better than others when the fundamental problem is Brexit itself.

Brexiteers often hark back to the blitz. Maybe they think the ‘Britain standing alone’ motif adds much-needed heroic purpose to a Brexit future in which Britain stands without trading partners or allies to tackle climate change.

One of the great tragedies of Brexit has been that despite the fact there was an unprecedented public vote for change, Brexit was almost hijacked, owned, and controlled by a technocratic establishment.

In Britain ever more, they will realize that Brexit, well, has consequences – economic, commercial, partnerships. Perhaps during the referendum the impression was given that once the Brexit button was pushed everything would take care of itself easily. Well, that is not true.

Brexit is a disaster, Italy won’t be real about its debt, and the European Union is in trouble.

Brexit is so important, it would have been neglect of duty to simply sit it out.

And after Brexit, we will be free to determine our economic future, with control over our money, laws and borders.

As I predicted, young people who overwhelmingly didn’t want Brexit have turned out in their droves and exacted revenge on a generation of Leavers who they believe stole their future while enjoying generous pensions as they denied them the first rung on the property ladder.

I am an outcast in the Conservative party. But that’s Brexit. It has divided families. The country is divided. This is a huge fault line.

If ‘Brexit’ really is a political crisis, it should be treated as a political crisis – and not, despite all the market upheaval, a financial or economic one.

Liberal Democrats will not rest until we have stopped Brexit.

Brexit is for the richest in our country: they can afford recessions.

Being in the European Union has its advantages, and I think that is what the British are beginning to understand, what those who are tempted by the Brexit are going to reflect upon.

It’s irresponsible to scare E.U. nationals in the U.K. by hinting that their status might change after Brexit.

If we had a vote in parliament, the majority of MPs would not vote for a hard Brexit.

Brexit and Trump had upended the fundamental establishment viewpoint that politics was aspirational, that good politics promised progress, generational betterment and ever-expanding world reach.

As the Bank of England has noted, Brexit is a unique experiment in the reimposition of protectionist barriers to trade.

If you’re racist and you come out and say it’s because of Brexit, then great. Then I know definitely not to talk to you, rather than you give me a sideways glance in a shop. Now I know, I’ve seen your Facebook post.

Resistance to Brexit is the logic of everything Labour stands for.

Austerity and Brexit are two sides of the same coin, like the Brexit party and the Tories.

Labour are a danger to our security and our economy and are wholly incapable of negotiating the best Brexit deal for Britain.

It is obvious to voters that Brexit has caused both of our principal parties to take leave of their traditional and historic purposes and principles, if not also their senses.

As I’ve said many times, Vote Leave could only win because the Establishment’s OODA loops are broken – as the Brexit negotiations painfully demonstrate daily – and they are systematically bad at decisions, and this created just enough space for us to win.

During the Brexit campaign there was a deficit of outrage.

Something is going to have to give because, if it doesn’t, not only will we get Jacob Rees-Mogg as our prime minister, we will get a devastating hard Brexit which will cause huge damage to our economy for generations to come. And I am not prepared to sit by any longer and put up with this nonsense.

I never doubted that our parliamentarians would vote to trigger article 50 but I expected a detailed, pragmatic debate around the options of how to execute Brexit and the processes involved.

How can I care about needing a visa to travel if the furthest I’m going to travel is the town centre? For a person to care about Brexit – it’s only for people who are in a certain state of mind.

People talk often of Brexit as the biggest challenge since the Second World War. It is certainly proving to be a lot more difficult and complicated than was promised by those who won the referendum campaign in 2016.

We were looking at different opportunities to get involved in working with Brexit but we made the decision to not work with any party – for or against – or even for any related campaigns.

Brexit has changed everything in British politics – it has blown open a cosy, zombie-like closed world of Westminster parliamentary politics. It has broken open the traditional line between left and right, which was already an exhausted tradition.

Brexit is a harbinger for Trump, really.

I’ve spent my whole life fighting for leftwing causes, so I can tell you, no one is more surprised than me to be standing as candidate for Nigel Farage’s Brexit party.

One might have thought that Brexit would be a wake-up call for the American media. Yet, just as in the U.K. referendum, ‘Russia’ became the buzzword in the U.S. election that the political and media establishments thought would scare people into voting for the status quo.

Brexit is not going to solve the causes of Brexit.

The argument that won the Brexit campaign is the one that said take back control… which is another way of saying we want to control our destinies again. This is an existential issue for the whole of Europe, not just for the U.K., because this sentiment is not limited to the United Kingdom.

Our best hope in meeting the many challenges that Brexit brings for us is being willing to be open-minded about the options we may choose to pursue.

Brexit is a major concern for us, and it should be a major concern for all of us who live in the U.K. and operate out of the U.K.

Already, even before we have left the EU, Brexit is damaging our country, our economy, our society and our standing in the world – damage that will be worsened by the kind of ruinous no deal being pledged by some who aspire to become prime minister.

Embracing the freedom of Brexit gives us the choice of what sort of country we want to become and means we can look forward to a more positive tomorrow.

Having spent six years as Europe Minister, I am in no doubt about the technical challenge Brexit presents lawmakers.

Leaving people worse off financially is a Brexit outcome nobody supports, whether they voted leave or remain.

Theresa May… is ideally placed to implement Brexit on the best possible terms for the British people, and she has promised she will do so.

Yes, I have found many people who voted for Brexit and believe it will answer their problems. But they mostly realise that Europe isn’t the problem, however much the E.U. could be improved.

Many Britons who backed Brexit believed – and believe still – that a U.K. ‘freed’ from ‘Europe’ would be able to recover and re-establish its historic destiny as an independent global trading nation.

I don’t think anybody voted for the Green Party without knowing what our position was on Brexit.

Why did we lose Brexit? Why, because 60 per cent of youth didn’t believe they needed to go and vote.

Brexit was a fantastic example of a nation shooting itself full in the face.

One of the most depressing aspects of the whole Brexit debate has been the rush to instant judgment about the motives of MPs and others and the readiness to accuse others of treachery or betrayal.

Brexit wasn’t the European people’s first cry of revolt. In 2005, France and the Netherlands held referendums about the proposed European Union constitution. In both countries, opposition was massive, and other governments decided on the spot to halt the experiment for fear the contagion might spread.

Brexit makes me uncomfortable. It feels like we’re in no-man’s-land, and it doesn’t feel safe. People who voted to leave did so because of the scaremongering. It was all about immigration, but immigration is a great thing.

I’m not sure a pain-free Brexit is possible.

Actually, Brexit is an incredibly important issue, but it’s not the only issue. And to be a credible party of Government you need to have plans for everything, not just for the delivery of Brexit.

A Final Say referendum on the Brexit that actually lies in front of us will give everyone a tangible and decisive vote. I and most people, Brexiteers and Remainers alike, want the same thing – the best for the UK.

From our perspective, just narrowly from the financial sector and from our institution, there’s nothing good about Brexit.

Nigel Farage said he would do a deal with the devil to get Brexit over the line; the Conservative party is very far from being the devil in this.

I do not believe that as a country we are completely ill-prepared for no-deal Brexit. It is not the optimal solution it is not the best outcome for Britain, we will do much better than people expect.

The reality is that no Brexit deal can be achieved if Northern Ireland is never allowed to leave the Customs Union.

We must stand up for the principle of parliamentary democracy and not allow the government’s failure in the Brexit process to be a licence for the U.K. to crash out of the E.U. without an agreement.

Brexit is a self-inflicted wound; the people of this country hold the knife, and they don’t have to use it if they don’t want to. The people, not the hardline Brexiteers, are in charge.

A Brexit Britain that will navigate its way in the world without a moral compass.

A Brexit with a poor outcome will damage our country and lead to years of further division.

I was on ‘X Factor’ the day after the Brexit vote. People voted for Brexit. But the public also voted for me, they wanted me to be there and part of the music industry. I haven’t felt any bad effects.

We didn’t do Brexit. We didn’t get money for it. We didn’t do work for it. We didn’t sign a contract.

On ‘Question Time,’ I’ve noticed great anger from the audience. When we discuss Brexit, emotions range from white-hot fury to cold, grey apathy. As soon as we move off Brexit, debate is much more nuanced and considered.

The U.K. decided to leave the E.U. – Brexit means Brexit.

I was asked by a journalist to sum up the story in a minute, and I was like, ‘No.’ It goes from Trump to Brexit to Russian espionage to military operations in Afghanistan to hacking the president of Nigeria. Where do you even begin?

The Tories must stop focusing on their ideological obsession with a hard Brexit and their internal party divisions and start focusing on what is best for our country and our economy. Their absurd proposal that the U.K. should become the E.U.’s tariff collector is neither practical nor palatable across the Channel.

The original sin of Brexit – the lies, contradictions, half-truths and omissions on which it was built – have come back to haunt the Thatcherite Tories who started all this with Nigel Farage and Ukip.

Those who argue for Brexit are wrong, and that is because they have not been properly informed about the costs.

If a no-deal Brexit would happen like has been discussed, I think we would have a major impact in terms of our operations going to the races and getting our cars developed and ready.

The English, being the most practical people in the world, came up with parliamentary democracy and codified football and Cadbury’s Creme Egg. And yet they voted for Brexit.

We were right to say from the outset that E.U. citizens should not be treated as bargaining chips but should have their rights guaranteed immediately. We were right to call on the government to publish a plan for Brexit.

After Brexit, we need to design a modern and fair immigration system which attracts talent and investment from the E.U. and the rest of the world.

I believe the vote for Brexit was the greatest ever vote of confidence in the project of the United Kingdom.

A hard Brexit would be so damaging to the true interests of the UK that what might follow – if we are lucky – is a great unmasking, not just of the political fantasists and chancers who peddled the great Brexit swindle, but of the historical delusion that empowered them.

Brexit is the other face of the refugee crisis – tensions that lead to stasis, external risks that lead to asymmetric shocks.

The important thing with Facebook is to remember that it played a role in facilitating Brexit because it inadvertently allowed leave-supporting groups to use harvested data to target key voters.

There is a sense of resignation among most people who voted Remain that we have to ‘man up’ – even the women among us – and make the most of what we know will be a rotten Brexit.

A united, functional opposition really could stop Brexit.

Putting a credible form of Brexit to the people and offering Remain as an alternative will give Labour the chance to unite as a party.

Brexit cannot be done with the traditional Westminster/Whitehall system as Vote Leave warned repeatedly before 23 June 2016.

Our interests lie in attracting added value and talent to France as a result of Brexit, but also in having a balanced relationship with Great Britain. We must not sacrifice the short term for our bilateral relationship.

Brexit – I was sick of it when it was all happening. It’s off the news now, but when Covid settles down it will just come back again.

We don’t know what is going to happen with Brexit, it’s not going to be good for the North anyway whatever happens. It’s not going to be good for Ireland whatever happens. And the problem is we don’t know what is going to happen so we can’t really prepare so everything is speculation.

I don’t think one moment that we should sink to the levels of the Brexiters – the dodgy money, the electoral lawbreaking and the lying – but I do wonder if those of us who remain deeply concerned about the consequences of Brexit are really landing all the blows that we can.

I was fully aware of the challenges facing London before I was elected as mayor, but I didn’t anticipate the issue that is likely to define my time as mayor – Brexit.

The Liberal Democrats are unequivocal in wanting to stop Brexit and are committed to securing Britain’s future as a tolerant, open and inclusive society.

If Brexit happens, there will have to be change – whether people want it or not – around work permits. It won’t be freedom of movement for European players, so that landscape will change.

I would delete Donald Trump. I would delete Hillary Clinton. I would delete the man who was responsible for Brexit.

I don’t think the British people really knew the ramifications of what would happen after Brexit or not.

Calling into question the Touquet deal on the pretext that Britain has voted for Brexit and will have to start negotiations to leave the union doesn’t make sense.

It’s time to wake up to the fact that being part of the single market is the best insurance policy we could have against a race to the bottom on wages, rights and protections that threaten British workers and that there is no ‘jobs first Brexit’ without it.

Putting the Withdrawal Bill in order is an essential step to stability and achieving a reasonable outcome to Brexit.

What happened with Brexit was people taking back control.

Once we have delivered Brexit, no one is going to say: ‘Oh wow, you delivered Brexit, I’m going to ignore everything else to do with politics and reward you!’

The pursuit of an extreme Brexit cannot come at the cost of peace in Northern Ireland.

The sheer drop in sterling since 2016 is only a taste of what’s to come if we continue down the destructive route of a no-deal Brexit.

There are, of course, some who demand a no-deal Brexit and threaten to vote for any party that will deliver it.

If a prime minister can suspend parliament to deliver a ‘no deal’ Brexit, what will the government try to do next with no democratic scrutiny or oversight?

The whole Brexit saga is, in my view, one big, terrifying leap in the dark.

I don’t know; we’ll see what happens with Brexit. If they make it so that you can’t travel any more without a visa, I’m going to have to leave the country, stay in the E.U., and probably change my citizenship.

The most difficult part of Brexit will be to figure out the trade regime between the U.K. and the rest of the E.U. because the level of trade integration between the members of the E.U. is the deepest in the world and integrates regulations that govern how products and services are produced and sold within the E.U.

In retrospect, the populist panic may have been overblown. Regarding Brexit, for example, the shock exaggerated its meaning. Because it was so unexpected, it became a sensation.

Uncertainty of any sort results in volatility, and Brexit will be no exception.

For those who want out, Brexit remains an end in itself, regardless of what is in the interest of our society, in terms of prosperity, security and influence on the wider world stage.

My position was that if the country could unite around a soft Brexit that would be the least worst way through. But it is now very clear that the country is not going to unite around a soft Brexit. There is nobody really advocating a soft Brexit.

I’m obsessed with Brexit.

Too much of the Brexit rhetoric is based on the desire to go out and re-create Empire.

In a deeply divided country we must either work together to get the best deal we can – and this needs compromise – or accept that Brexit cannot be implemented and think again about what we are doing.

I could see the point of Brexit if it meant returning power to the people.

The Conservatives as a Brexit party, being very clear about their objectives are almost certainly going to have to go into some kind of electoral arrangement with the Brexit Party, otherwise Brexit doesn’t happen.

A no deal Brexit would be a complete failure by the government to negotiate for Britain.

If I was prime minister, there would be absolutely zero risk that Brexit wouldn’t happen.

The day after Britain voted to leave the European Union, I woke up determined to make a success of Brexit. I was surprised by how quickly I went to acceptance of the result, without passing through any of the prior stages of grief.

I believe Britain’s response to Brexit must be based on core progressive values: internationalism, cooperation, social justice and the rule of law.

There is one party, the Conservative Party who is committed to honouring the referendum result, getting Brexit done and then delivering on the priorities of the British people.

At least from a national security standpoint, none of the problems the U.S. and U.K. face will become easier to solve if the U.K. is out of the E.U.; on the contrary, I fear that a ‘Brexit’ would only make our world even more dangerous and difficult to manage.

I don’t think Brexit is going to help people in Britain.

The Brexit Party doesn’t have any candidates, because it’s not a proper political party.

I think one of the laughable things about poor old Brexit is that they’re so cross – they’re furious with everyone. But this isn’t a cross country; this is a generous and optimistic country.

We always knew that whatever party Nigel Farage led – first UKIP and then the Brexit party – was basically a vehicle for his own political self-glorification and now he’s proved it.

Left to their own devices, the Tories will squash the life out of what Brexit really represents in terms of the chance to shake up political life and overturn a complacent status quo. We cannot let that happen.

Whether it is a hard or soft Brexit, there are opportunities here for us to be had.

I fought for MPs to have the right to vote on article 50 not because I was against Brexit, but because I was, and remain passionately, an advocate of parliamentary sovereignty.

The Government has boxed itself in by trying to codge together this weird fake Brexit in the hope of committing people to somehow delivering on the referendum result.

We need to take back control of our political process. We know so much more about what Brexit will mean, and the health implications, especially for those who are already in a disadvantaged position.

If parliament and government work together in their respective constitutional roles, and respect due processes, we will maximise our chances of making the right decisions as we encounter the many challenges, risks and opportunities Brexit poses for our country.

For Liberal Democrats, the political choice between the hard Brexit menus offered by Boris Johnson and Jeremy Hunt might seem about as tempting as arsenic verses strychnine.

There are tradeoffs between independence and co-operation, between regulatory autonomy and market access. This means that compromises are necessary to deliver a pragmatic Brexit that protects jobs and living standards while respecting the referendum result.

Brexit is the best thing to happen for Russia, for America, for Germany, and for democracy.

Given that the reality of Brexit has turned out to be so far from what was once promised, the democratic thing to do is to give the public the final say.

The group For Our Future’s Sake will tour key marginal constituencies to ensure first that young people register to vote then, second, that they use that vote tactically to keep their hope of a final Brexit referendum alive.

Sovereignty is not just at the national level; that’s the mistake of Brexit that other people make.

The issue for me is not just Brexit. It is beyond Brexit – how you conduct politics and the veering towards populism and English nationalism.

The key to stopping the hard-right nationalist forces poised to pounce on Brexit isn’t going to be finessing a reprieve for the status quo. It’s about actively creating consent for meaningful change, and expanding democratic participation beyond a second referendum.

The Brexit decision is a decision we see very negatively. But, of course, it has been taken by the British people, so now we have to find a way to deal with it, and from our point of view, it is important to avoid a hard Brexit.

Of course Brexit means that something is wrong in Europe. But Brexit means also that something was wrong in Britain.

What a travesty it is that the high priests of Leave in 2016, who insisted to all of us that Brexit would mean a return to parliamentary sovereignty, are undermining and circumventing parliamentary sovereignty in order to deliver their hard Brexit.

Brexit is the most complex and difficult political decision our country has had to take in mine and many other lifetimes.

Everything else outside the world – Brexit, the global economy, global warming, everything – nothing matters as much as what’s in your house.

If we have Brexit, we don’t know what we will get.

Labour needs to lead – lead on Brexit, lead in Europe, lead for the people.

If only Brexit would go away. It sucks the political oxygen away from the issues we should all be discussing: like low wages, insecure jobs and the housing crisis.

We’ve seen with Brexit and other things that there’s a dark impulse to be petulant and frustrated with complicated solutions.

The Brexit referendum showed us to be divided, and those of us who campaigned for remain have to accept that we lost. But that does not mean that we have to agree to the deal the prime minister has brought back – a deal that satisfies no one.

Brexit was the first brick that was knocked out of the establishment wall.

The Brexit thing says it all. It’s all to do with immigration and the people that have voted to leave the EU… for me, it’s because of racism, because they don’t want people coming into our country.

Freedom of movement in Europe has been all but abandoned as a cause in British politics. Brexit was far more about freedom of movement than our exact trading relationship with the EU, and the electorate rejected it.

Of course, the E.U. were never going to welcome Brexit. Some sour grapes were inevitable. That’s why we worked hard to leave on positive terms, extending the arm of friendship.

We have to be extremely strict on the implementation of Brexit so there is a common approach between member states. We must avoid a sector-by-sector or country-by-country approach, and ask the U.K. to be clear.

Speaking to people in all parts of the country, it has become clear to me that there is a definite appetite for the option to reject Theresa May’s Brexit and hold a referendum.

By stopping Brexit, investing in skills and providing tailored support to key industries, we can get the UK economy back on track and help the communities that have been hit hardest by the threat of Brexit.

London thrives because it is one of the most open cities in the world, but Brexit is shutting the door on talented people coming to live and work here – the people we need when we get sick, the ones we see on the Tube, our friends and neighbours. Even worse, it has made London a less tolerant place.

Theresa May, a Remainer, assumed that all of the Brexit voters are racist, thinks we will use this to kick British citizens out of the country; it is despicable.

When it comes to something like Brexit, I am part of the liberal-media London bubble, and so, to me, voting to leave was madness. My perspective was that it was cutting off your nose to spite your face.

One of the strengths of the U.K. is its ability to attract very highly talented people from all over the places, but also their ability to send English people outside. So they’re very brain circulation-oriented, and I do hope, even with Brexit, they will keep this asset they have.

If you look at the approach Theresa May has taken to Brexit so far, she has the instincts of a Brexiteer but the cautious pragmatism of a remainer, which is where I think the British people are. She brings incredible resilience, and we have to allow her to get on and negotiate this deal.

The Brexit thing to me just looks like a difference of opinion. I know things were lied about, but that should be a wake-up call to get all the information before you vote about something. Educate yourself.

I am a passionate, pragmatic, and positive believer in Brexit, and with my three-step plan, we can decisively leave the E.U.

You might want a certain type of Brexit deal, but you can’t get it if the numbers aren’t there.

I’ll keep fighting for the best, most successful Brexit.

There is no question in my mind that a ‘Brexit’ would deal a significant blow to the E.U.’s strength and resilience at exactly the moment when the West is under attack from multiple directions.

The Brexit vote, the presidential elections in the U.S., a number of the other regional political movements – that’s not a flash in the pan.

With Brexit, and I think the extraordinary strain it’s put on our constitution and our representative democracy, I do sometimes feel like I’m in the middle of the 17th Century, when you are standing up for the rights of Parliament.

Maybe the Tory party might, instead of telling the Brexit Party what to do, make an approach to the Brexit Party and say I’ll tell you what, we’ll stand aside in certain areas. That would be a very positive thing for me, let’s work together for a new kind of politics.

I am well aware of different views across my own party and across parliament on pretty well all Brexit issues.

Whatever long-term advantages are claimed for Brexit it is overwhelmingly clear that in the short to medium term it carries risks to our economy and security.

I went to bed on the night of Brexit, of that vote for leaving the E.U., and I said to everyone it will be a 70/30: nobody wants to leave the E.U. I woke up on the bus in Glastonbury, and everybody had their heads in their hands. They could not believe it. I could not believe it.

As Trade Secretary I see the world is waiting. The Australians, the Americans, the Kiwis, the Japanese – they all want us to get Brexit done so that we can begin negotiations and forge new relationships that will open up new markets for British businesses, create jobs and attract new investment.

Brexit has always been an impossible project, except at the price of massive self-harm.

Just when we need a strong government, what do we see? Division. Chaos. And failure. No credible plan for Brexit, no solution to prevent a hard border in Ireland and no majority in Parliament for the Chequers proposals.

Henry VIII Clauses allowing the Government to change almost any law of the land by statutory instrument, if needed, to implement Brexit must be properly restricted.

Systematic social and environmental deregulation, and the economics of austerity while enriching the rich, will be the markers of Farage/Tory politics after Brexit. Singapore-on-Sea for the rich; degradation for the rest.

In some ways, backing the Trump campaign was even harder than battling for Brexit. I received almost total condemnation, including from many senior figures in my own party.

Jeremy Corbyn has shown no ability to provide solutions for Brexit whatsoever.

The arguments in the Brexit vote and in the American presidential campaign are about the same. In a friendly way, may I also give some advice to the American people to make the right choice when the moment comes.

People get so heated about it and can’t see the funny side, I think. And plus, everything’s been said. It must be really difficult to come up with new jokes about Brexit.

Certainly, I know from my own work at the Department of Transport the potential chaos that will follow a ‘no deal’ Brexit. It will cause disruption, delay and deep damage to our economy.

The skills necessary to change nappies or negotiate Brexit are obviously very different, but both involve a great deal of trust in the competence of the people doing the job.

I was strongly against Brexit. I speechified against Brexit.

Some who campaign against hate, seem to hate the Brexit party more than they love peace.

This country was fine in my opinion before Brexit, so let’s all settle down.

The creative industries, a source of optimism in recent years owing to, among other things, a resurgence on the world stage of British music, have come out foursquare against Brexit.

I think our stance on Brexit has perhaps been one of the most powerful things in helping people to recognise the values of the Liberal Democrats.

You don’t have to be a political insider to know that Parliament, along with parts of the Government, has colluded in sabotaging Brexit.

Brexit will lead to a flight of talent, money and taxes – and the country will have to take on more and more debt.

But only a candidate who rejects wishful thinking, has the courage to tell the truth about the options in front of us and who will address Brexit on the basis of the hard realities will succeed.

When it comes to explaining the phenomenon of right-wing populism, liberals are likely to argue both that the populist era has exposed a darkness always present at the heart of conservative politics and that a toxic, post-truth new-media ecosystem has greased the skids for President Trump, Brexit and the rest.

I worry about the direction of the U.K. and U.K. politics and governance in the event of a Brexit.

The truth is the Tories don’t own Brexit. No party owns Brexit and that includes the Brexit Party.

Look at what the divisiveness of Brexit has done to the U.K.

We champion freedom – but Brexit will mean the next generation is less free to live, work and love across Europe.

No one is going to thank us afterwards for a Brexit that reduces people’s quality of life.

Notice of leaving the E.U. under Article 50, for which most of us voted, provides a mechanism for extending the negotiating period by agreement if this is necessary. It is not to undermine Brexit to insist it is carried out correctly.

The only thing that I know for sure is that the people who invest in the U.K., those investors, believe strongly that the ramifications of a hard Brexit are very bad, and they believe that a recession will take place in the U.K., and that would clearly be negative for banks of the U.K.

Eighty per cent of the membership of the Conservative Party are very keen to make sure that Brexit happens, we’ll be in a position to enthusiastically support leaving the E.U. with no deal and if we are then able to agree a position to put to the country, I think we would hit the ball out of the park.

So much of the agenda behind Brexit has been murky.

The impact of Brexit is likely to be slow and incremental, hardly the sudden transformation that some Leave voters wanted. Immigrants will not disappear, and manufacturing will not immediately return to northern-English cities – quite the contrary.

If you look at it ideologically, I would say Brexit is not something that probably is good for the world.

Someone like Boris Johnson is reluctant to answer questions about ambition because then the story becomes all about his ambition. Sure, he’s got ambition – that’s no secret at all. But also, he’s very strongly motivated to try to get the kind of Brexit he believes in.

I’ve become a lot more politicised because of Brexit.

Suspension of disbelief is a necessary ingredient in all storytelling. So it has been with the government’s narrative that it is delivering Brexit.

Senior Tories have exhibited a brand of entitled arrogance that implies that they own Brexit. It seems that anyone else who claims its mantle can be pushed to one side. And that includes voters.

I campaigned for Brexit because I have always believed that Britain would be stronger, more prosperous and secure outside of the E.U.

If you want any hope of staying in the EU, or having a Brexit that doesn’t mean capitulation to ethno-nationalism, you’ve got to tie it to a wider vision of political and economic transformation.

Whatever happens with Brexit, what I am absolutely convinced will not happen is that free movement of individuals, free movement of people, will not change, North and South without passports.

People are just repeating mantras like, ‘get Brexit done,’ ‘strong and stable,’ ‘dither and delay’. There must be a way of satirizing it, and I long to see it, but it’s gone beyond ‘The Thick of It.’

Those who think in Britain they can push the Brexit button and not have a bill to pay are seriously mistaken.

I want to stop Brexit.

The first job of the Brexit Party is to make sure Brexit’s delivered and if that involves electoral pacts, that might happen.

Only Boris Johnson will get the best Brexit deal for Britain, defeat Jeremy Corbyn’s divisive shambles of an opposition, and govern the United Kingdom in the national interest.

I’d love to tell you that everyone who voted Brexit felt like me about the country, about the Union Jack and the cricket team. But I don’t think that there’s as much romanticism in it, perhaps, as people think.

Schools unable to keep their lights on and their doors open for the full working week is just the latest bleak instalment of a long-running show. The age of austerity returns for its ninth miserable year; always in the background, the common denominator in everything from the Brexit vote to knife crime.

Those who think that Brexit offers an opportunity to move to some low tax, almost off-shore de-regulatory haven don’t seem to care about the threat posed by Corbyn.

To deliver Brexit you must believe in it.

The only way Brexit might have worked without an economic collapse is the Norway model of close integration with the structure of the European customs union and single market without being part of the formal E.U. institutions.

Brexit is so extraordinary in so many ways.

Climate change remains the biggest threat to our civilisation, economy and security – even bigger than Brexit.

A failure to listen to the party’s grassroots was a charge regularly levelled at Theresa May – particularly over Brexit.

I’ve been clear that Brexit means Brexit.

As Liberal Democrats, our plan is to stop Brexit and with it the nurse tax and other barriers to E.U. nurses coming to work in our NHS.

The final Brexit deal must ensure there is no diminution in Britain’s national security or ability to tackle cross-border crime.

Westminster is gripped by a fanatical race towards a cliff-edge Brexit and nobody is stopping to think about the impact it would have on the everyday lives of the people we serve as politicians.

I would argue that in terms of our country’s international profile, Brexit is just as significant a development as any military engagement.

Jeremy Corbyn and Keir Starmer are quite right to call for a Brexit that puts jobs first, and to hold ministers to account for their promise to negotiate a trade deal with the E.U. that delivers ‘the exact same benefits’ as single market membership.

I suspect my own journey to Brexit has closely followed that of Britain’s. I had doubts, then I decided we should stay in, then I had very serious doubts as our island began to sink under a tide of regulations and our government lost control of the immigration system.

Whatever may have been suggested by some Leavers during the referendum it must be clear now that the Brexit process is immensely complicated.

I said a vote to leave would be a Brexit tax. I couldn’t think of anything stronger than that.

Brexit stops Britain from being Great Britain.

The Brexit campaign was transformed from a fringe eccentricity into a mass movement by a handful of people who decided to make it into an argument about identity.

Ultimately, Boris Johnson and the political and financial support behind his Brexit project are probably the biggest threat to both British democracy and the post-war welfare state settlement we’ve faced in the post-war period.

No amount of extra civil servants recruited to deliver Brexit will make up for a lack of rational debate or for political judgments distorted by a desire to sound tough in order to appeal to narrow sectional interests.

A Brexit that works for Britain needs to work for small businesses and must ensure that our future trade deals don’t just work for big business.

Once Brexit is delivered, we then need to think about how we can make the Conservatives look new and sound different.

We need to work together to either achieve a form of Brexit that does not threaten our future or ensure that the decision to complete departure is the electorate’s informed choice.

The people should make the final decision on Brexit when they see the government’s Brexit deal.

Few political debates have been as divisive as the European one. I fought as hard as I could on the Remain side, but I believe strongly that as a democrat I should respect the result, and that as a politician it is my duty to make the Brexit settlement as good as possible.

I think that the European Union negotiators have gotten a shock. They were shocked when they realised the Brexit trade negotiations were not just going to be a continuation of those that happened under Theresa May.

Brexit is an immensely complex national challenge encompassing issues from sovereignty and trade to security in an increasingly interdependent world.

The Brexit debate has been difficult and divisive.

Nothing of substance is being achieved or even proposed, while the country remains trapped in the Kafka-esque misery that Brexit has become.

Ensuring we have the best possible Brexit deal will take time, effort and huge diplomatic skill.

There is no upside for the U.K. in Brexit. Only costs that can be avoided and advantages to be seized by remaining in Europe. No one should have to pay the Brexit tax.

I don’t think anybody has any idea what the economic impact of Brexit will be.

I think people will always do have an interest in policy areas, but Brexit is certainly got people talking and thinking and, so, probably more engaged than they would otherwise be.

The ‘Reader’s Digest’ used to run a feature called ‘It Pays to Increase Your Word Power.’ The new wisdom – post-Trump and Brexit – is that it doesn’t.

Mark Carney is one of the enemies of Brexit. He has opposed it consistently.

No one voted for a Brexit that will tie us to the E.U.’s customs rules and prevent us striking meaningful trade deals of our own.

I’m proud to say like many of my colleagues in the Conservative Party I am fully behind Theresa May’s Brexit plans.

We cannot afford to let Brexit slip away – the political price, the reputational damage to the country is too great.

The absolute low point for me in more than 30 years of professional life was the Brexit vote.

I sometimes think that the In campaign appears to be operating to a script written by George R.R. Martin and Stephen King – Brexit would mean a combination of ‘A Feast for Crows’ and ‘Misery.’

We cannot allow Brexit to be driven by narrow and divisive Tory ideology.

The cruel realities of austerity and Brexit mean that life is chaotic, expensive and the road ahead is littered with obstacles.

Between Trump’s election and Brexit, there were all sorts of opinions coming out of the woodwork that I thought had died out a long time ago. I was like, ‘What’s the point?’ All we do is bad things. The history of humanity is the history of people exploiting each other.

There’s a way that we can deliver a Brexit that works for our country, and the really interesting thing is the amount of Tory MPs working with Labour MPs, forming that consensus.

The case for Brexit was made on rhetorical flourishes and promises and bluster. A lot of promises on which people voted have turned out to be undeliverable. It was a false prospectus.

Once the country voted for Brexit, I wanted the prime minister to make a success of it, but I knew that unpicking 45 years of entwinement with the E.U. would be impossible without our elected lawmakers being fully involved.

Far from the quick and easy exit that Leave campaigners once promised, Brexit has become mired in its own internal contradictions.

If the vote that is progressive is split then all that does is open up the path for the Brexit party and allow it to pretend it represents the majority view in this country.

Boris Johnson tried to prorogue parliament to get his disaster of a Brexit through, bringing hundreds of thousands out onto the streets for the ‘Stop The Coup’ protests, and seeing his cynical strategy overturned by the Supreme Court in the process.

Many Conservatives believe that our conference needs to show the Conservatives retain a reputation for competence, a strong commitment to market economics and how that benefits everyone, and how Brexit is not going to drag us to a point where a Corbyn-led government becomes a reality.

Brexit has been a strain on all of us. In some ways it has paralysed us.

Loose talk about no deal has given credibility to the simplistic slogans of the Brexit party and resulted in millions voting for them.

The closer we come to the Greek tragedy that is Brexit, the more horrifying it is to behold.

Most people are fed up to the back teeth with the never-ending wrangle over Brexit. All they want is for a competent government to get on with it and deliver a great deal for everyone in the U.K.

Part of the Brexit debate was about control, having a say over our laws and money and letting politicians stand up for what the people voted for, not signing away our sovereignty.

The most important funder of the British Brexit campaign had odd Russian contacts. So did some cabinet ministers in Poland’s supposedly anti-Russian, hard-right government, elected after a campaign marked by online disinformation in 2015.

Of course we’ve got to deliver Brexit; but then we’ve got to win a majority by appealing to aspirational people in the centre ground of British politics, where there’s a gaping hole.

The British have chosen liberty with Brexit and can congratulate themselves every day.

The day after Brexit I had a moment when someone said, ‘Don’t you want to go back to your own country?’ I wasn’t 100 per cent sure if he was thinking he was being kind? I was like, ‘Um… this is my home, thank you.’

One lesson of the vote for Brexit was that citizens were fed up being treated as bystanders. One of the gains of Leave was the flourishing of a sense of agency and self-determination that it afforded to many.

The architects of Brexit are a cocktail of lying racists and buffoons. I don’t think even someone as cynical as me could have predicted how deeply stupid these people are.

Unless and until I can see an opportunity of actually reversing Brexit and restoring a stable membership of the European Union, then in the real world I concentrate on minimising the damage.

Quite simply, without UKIP, there would not have been a referendum. I am convinced that the ‘we want our country back, we want our borders back’ message that we took across the country on an open-top double decker energised non-voters to back Brexit.

Given the right to – given the opportunity to vote, I voted for Brexit because I’ve never approved really of the European Union, I never approved of it because of its attempts to confiscate national sovereignty in all the issues that matter.

We are lucky to have a free press. But in some parts of it, you have to search hard to find items concerning any negative aspects to Brexit.

For some, a sense of responsibility towards their constituents prevented them from entertaining no deal, or in some cases any form of Brexit, even as their electorate asked for it.

I believe that Theresa May is going to end up with a botched Brexit that will satisfy no one and make sure that calls for a people’s vote on the final Brexit deal will only get louder.

If the hard Brexit happens, I would assume that London wouldn’t be the centre of the tech world in Europe.

For all the farcical invoking of Blitz spirit, Brexit isn’t merely an absurdist experiment in English nationalist nostalgia – it is the most audacious example yet of a futuristic Russian nationalism that seeks to divide and rule Europe.

The country is polarised between those who would pursue a hard Brexit, which is where the prime minister is, and Remain.

Brexit can be stopped.

The public wants to know that their political leaders will stay true to the promise made to them that Brexit means Brexit.

Some in favour of Brexit are so fixated on leaving the E.U., they keep arguing that any attempt to change it is some form of sabotage.

Yes, I believe in parliamentary sovereignty, but irrespective of what the Electoral Commission decides, I am now even more convinced that there must be a people’s vote on the Brexit deal, including an option to remain, or remain voters will have good reason to shout foul play.

I am Brexit tooth and claw, but we need to be pragmatic and sensible and leave with a deal.

Although the most amount of attention went to what happened in the United States and in Brexit, Cambridge Analytica and its predecessor, SCL Group, worked in countries around the world, particularly in the developing world, to manipulate elections for their clients. So it was global.

The Brexit and Trump phenomena are informed by similar forces and social and economic movements. I think it’s been really stressful; it’s been really scary.

I accept of course we’re in deep trouble and deep difficulty. But if we, under a new leader, reinvent ourselves properly as a Brexit party, we will be faced with the inevitability at some point of a general election in order to deliver Brexit because this Parliament is stopping the delivery of Brexit.

Brexit, for all its likely harms, represents an opportunity to pay landowners and tenants to do something completely different, rather than spending yet more public money on trashing our life-support systems.

It looks like caring for the most vulnerable in our society could be yet another casualty of Brexit, with over-stretched and potentially unsafe care services and a reduction in female employment another unforeseen consequence.